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Post by Arjan Hut on Jan 21, 2021 13:19:15 GMT -5
483 FBI Carlos Marcello tapesContext:39 G. Wray Gill's November 1963 office phone bill114 RFK's Marcello-Halfen-Johnson file194 David Ferrie's original statement to FBIProfessor Robert Blakey, former Chief Counsel of the HSCA, reminded the Review Board of the HSCA’s belief that it would have benefitted from the FBI’s fuller disclosure of its electronic surveillance materials from its organized crime files. As a direct result of Professor Blakey’s suggestion, the Review Board requested from the FBI abroad cross-section of organized crime electronic surveillance files, the most significant of which was certainly the FBI’s electronic surveillance of Carlos Marcello, alleged New Orleans crime boss. ( ARRB Final Report, p. 25) Carlos Marcello, 1910-1993Many of the books on the assassination of President Kennedy discuss the possibility that Carlos Marcello, alleged organized crime boss of New Orleans, was involved in the assassination. In the late 1970s, the FBI investigated Marcello on an unrelated matter—the bribery of organized labor. As part of the “BriLab” investigation, the FBI conducted approximately eight months of electronic surveillance on Marcello’s home and on his office at the Town and Country Motel. According to several sources, the “BriLab” tapes contained conversations in which Carlos Marcello or his brother Joseph admitted that they were involved in the Kennedy assassination. The FBI maintains its tapes and transcripts from the “BriLab” surveillance, but because the FBI’s source of authority for the surveillance was 18 U.S.C. § 2501 et seq. (Title III), the “take” from the surveillance remained under court seal. Thus, the assassination research community was not able to confirm or reject allegations that the tapes or transcripts contain information relevant to the assassination. Once the Review Board obtained a court order allowing it access to the materials, the staff reviewed all of the transcripts from the FBI’s surveillance on Marcello in New Orleans. Although the staff did not locate the specific conversations that the researchers mentioned, it did locate thirteen conversations that it believed to be assassination records. Most of the conversations took place in the summer of 1979 during the period that the HSCA released its report. The conversations primarily focused on Marcello’s reaction to the HSCA’s allegations that he may have been involved in the assassination. With the help of the U. S. Attorney’s Office in the Eastern District of New Orleans, the Review Board obtained a court order to release transcripts of the 13 conversations to the public. ( ARRB Final Report, p. 104) Between February 1979 and February 1980, the FBI made 1,350 tapes of Marcello's conversations, as part of an FBI sting called BRILAB. The tapes were made by agents Mike Wacks and L arry Montague, along with a man named Joe Hauser, who is described by New York Post columnist Jack Newfield as a "sleazy swindler." The tapes were sealed by Judge Morey Sear at the start of Marcello's bribery and conspiracy trial in 1981. The judge ordered them permanantly sealed, ruling that they would prejudice the jury against Marcello. According to former HSCA Chief Counsel Robert Blakey, Marcello "implicated himself in the assassination on three of those tapes ... On one tape, Marcello asked the other person to leave the room and resume the conversation in the secrecy of his car when the assassination came up. Marcello said something like. 'We don' t talk about that in here."' Author John H. Davis has described the tapes based on interviews with the two FBI agents and the "swindler" who taped them. He says that the tapes amount to a veiled "admission of complicity" by Marcello and his brother Joe. Davis filed a 1988 Freedom of Information Act suit for the release of the tapes. In May 1991, Federal Judge T homas Penfield Jackson ruled in Davis's favor and ordered the tapes released. T he FBI, however, appealed the decision, and the tapes remain sealed at this time. (Who’s who in the JFK assassination, p. 277) An FBI report told of a meeting at Carlos Marcello's farm outside of New Orleans in the late summer of 1962. Two biographies of leading mobsters report that Marcello exclaimed "Don't worry about that Bobby son of a bitch. He's going to be taken care of." According to one participant, Marcello told his listeners he would recruit some nut to kill Kennedy so it couldn't be traced to him, "like they do in Sicily." The witness recalled Marcello saying that "the dog {President Kennedy} will keep biting you if you only cut off its tail {the attorney general}," but the biting would end if the dog's head was cut off. Marcello, who died in 1994, denied saying this. The board should continue its efforts to obtain and make public the so-called Brilab tapes, a half dozen FBI wiretaps of Carlos Marcello. These tapes were not introduced as evidence at Marcello's 1981 racketeering trial in New Orleans, and were sealed by the judge. The FBI has refused to release them. Blakey says that a high-ranking FBI official told him that the tapes include incriminating statements by Marcello pertaining to the assassination. The review board can clarify this body of evidence by calling the aging and vulnerable Frank Ragano, who has critical evidence never submitted under oath; surviving witnesses who have information about Hoffa's original 1962 plot to kill RFK; the FBI agents who have the Brilab tapes; Trafficante's relatives; Sam Giancana's relatives; associates of Carlos Marcello, and others. ( DID THE MOB KILL JFK?, Washington Post, December 10, 1995) In their massive war against the Mafia, President Kennedy and his brother Attorney General Robert Kennedy were never able to convict any members of the Marcello crime family. And Marcello didn’t make his admission of guilt until he was serving a long prison sentence as a result of an FBI sting called BRILAB. The FBI also carried on a sting against Marcello with the code name CAMTEX. The FBI groomed an informant who became Carlos Marcello’s cellmate. These tapes have never been released but they reveal the godfather standing in the prison yard, flying into a rage and cussing the Kennedys. ( JFK ASSASSINATION ‘CONFESSION’, Page Six, 2009)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Jan 24, 2021 12:48:02 GMT -5
484 Dillon files See also:23 The Emergency Codebook on the SAM86972 (The Tokyo Flight)The Review Board requested that Main Treasury review its holdings to identify records of C. Douglas Dillon, Secretary of the Treasury at the time of the assassination and Warren Commission investigation. Review Board staff independently reviewed archive transmittal forms for Treasury records and identified certain Treasury records for review, which Treasury provided to Board staff. As a result of its review, the Review Board staff identified files of J. Robert McBrien relating to his work as Treasury’s liaison to the HSCA and Church Committee. The Review Board also requested a complete accounting for the files of high-level Treasury officials who would have had involvement in the assassination investigation, especially important because Secret Service was part of the Department of the Treasury and ultimately reported to Secretary Dillon. Accordingly, the Review Board asked for an accounting of the files of Secretary Dillon, Special Assistant to the Secretary Robert Carswell, Treasury Secretary John Connally, and General Counsel at the time of the Warren Commission investigation G. D’Andelot Belin. Treasury officials reviewed its inventories and reported that its “review disclosed no additional JFK-related records.” Treasury also reported that it did “not have custody of any Dillon files,” which presumably reside with a presidential library. ( ARRB Final Report, p. 100) Clarence Douglas Dillon (August 21, 1909 – January 10, 2003) was an American diplomat and politician, who served as U.S. Ambassador to France (1953–1957) and as the 57th Secretary of the Treasury (1961–1965). He was also a member of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (ExComm) during the Cuban Missile Crisis. ( Wikipedia, retrieved 1-24-21)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Jan 29, 2021 11:19:38 GMT -5
485 CIA's Mexico City resuma Context (selection):20 14 minutes recording of Hoover – LBJ phonecall on 23-11-1963183 Tapes of Lee Harvey Oswald calling the Soviet embassy in Mexico City188 Missing logs and production from the photobase LILYRIC196 The missing Mexico City transcript475 The original transcript from Sylvia Duran’s arrestThis episode relates directly to the questions of the CIA surveillance audiotapes and the transcripts of those calls. In addition to [David Atlee Phillips'] incomplete information about the CIA's refusal to turn over all photo coverage of the two consulates, [Vincent] Bugliosi also does not inform the reader of the Agency's reluctance to turn over the so-called “resuma.” As defined in the Lopez Report “resuma” is the daily summary of important conversations on surveilled phone lines prepared by monitors in the listening post. The authors requested these in order to ascertain which calls were made by Oswald while he was there and if anyone joined him on the calls. But again the agency would not comply. What this meant ofcourse was that the authors had to deal with what the CIA told them were Oswald's calls to either consulate. Since the authors never saw the raw data, they could never compare what they were given with what was originally recorded. And since the agency maintained that the original Oswald tapes did not survive, the transcripts given to them could not be compared to what they were transcribed from. In other words, the worst-case scenario, the CIA fabricating a call from Oswald to either consulate, would be possible. And as we have seen, the Saturday call to the Soviet Embassy with both Duran and Oswald on it is one Duran says did not occur. (Jim DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 296) (1-15-64 Sullivan to Brennan FBI memo)Meanwhile, for the CIA’s erasure story to work, the FBI had to cooperate. FBI headquarters in Washington was still asking on the Monday after the assassination for the CIA tapes that had been sent from Mexico City to Dallas early Saturday. The FBI office in Mexico City provided the cover on the Monday afternoon after the assassination, sending a cable to headquarters saying that the tapes had been destroyed. When FBI Director Hoover learned of this lie, he was not amused. Eighteen days after the assassination, he censured, demoted or transferred everyone in the FBI that had been touched by the Mexico City story. Hoover was still fuming about it in January 1964, when his subordinates sent him a memo on illegal CIA operations in the US which stated that the CIA had promised to keep the Bureau informed. Hoover pulled out his pen and, in his characteristic large, thick handwriting scrawled, “OK, but I hope you are not being taken in. I can’t forget CIA withholding the French espionage activities in USA nor the false story re Oswald’s trip in Mexico City only to mention two of their instances of double dealing.” (John Newman, Oswald, the CIA and Mexico City, Frontline, 2003)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 1, 2021 13:02:35 GMT -5
486 The Sheraton Notebook
Sheraton Notebook. 104-10006-10026. DOCID-32106450.PDF. Report on notebook with Assassination related items found in a Sheraton Hotel room. "The text is redacted because it reveals the identity of an intelligence agent..." Investigation concerning notebook found in room 2422, Sheraton-Dallas Hotel, Dallas, Texas, containing handwritten notes in English regarding Oswald and the assassination of JFK. (Note: I believe the notes were from a reporter) ( Kelly's Top Ten Newly Released Records, 2017) The Southland Life tower of the Sheraton Hotel in Dallas. The hotel itself opened in 1958 and the Southland Life tower in 1960. At the time the tallest building in downtown Dallas.
Several police officers who were said to be particular friends of Ruby are not listed among those present in the basement or responsible for security during the transfer. Even so, they should have been questioned by the Commission. Lieutenant J. R. Gilmore, for example, seems to have known Ruby well and long. Joseph Cavagnaro, front office manager of the Sheraton-Hilton Hotel in Dallas, told the FBI that Ruby was a close friend of Lieutenant Gilmore (CE 1592); and Robert Larkin, former manager of a night club adjoining Ruby's Vegas Club, also told the FBI that Gilmore was "particularly friendly with Ruby" (CE 2329). (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories after the fact, p. 426) Back at Love Field, where Air Force One pilot Colonel James B. Swindal is listening to the radio chatter of the Secret Service agents in the motorcade (the plane's communication center was linked with the White House Communications Agency's temporary signal board in the Sheraton Dallas Hotel, which in turn was linked to the Secret Service radio frequency), he hears two loud shouts over the radio frequency around 12:30 that he recognizes as the voice of Roy Kellerman. Then he hears a third sharp cry from Kellerman: "Dagger cover Volunteer," the code names, respectively, for Rufus Youngblood, the chief Secret Service agent in LBJ's limousine, and Vice President Johnson. But the radio immediately becomes a "babel of screeching voices. Then it fell silent." (Ter Horst and Albertazzie, Flying White House, pp.199, 210-211) (Bugliosi, Reclaiming History, p. 41) "Looking east at downtown Dallas. At left is Southland Life and the Sheraton Hotel, Aug. 18, 1963."
The second factor was the swift swearing in of LBJ as President inside Air Force One in Dallas before returning back to Washington. As Jim Bishop described in his book “The Day the President Was Shot,” a strange phone call was received by the White House Communications Agency (WHCA)—located in the Dallas Sheraton hotel—after the assassination that: Officials at the Pentagon were calling the White House switchboard at the Dallas-Sheraton Hotel asking who was now in command. An Officer grabbed the phone and assured the Pentagon that Secretary of Defense Robert MacNamara and the Joint Chief of Staff were now the President. This was not something abnormal but, in case of the President being incapacitated or missing the authority for nuclear strike, the responsibility would have passed first to the Secretary of Defense and then to the Deputy Secretary of Defense. In such a scenario, the Pentagon would have been able to authorize an attack on Cuba, if the evidence after the assassination had pointed that Castro or the Soviets were the driving forces behind Oswald. (Vasilios Vazakas, Creating the Oswald Legend –Part 5)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 2, 2021 13:53:15 GMT -5
487 The Homme ReportRelated:192 Guy Banister's Files382 The 1956 Bruce-Lovett Report* According to Ramparts (January 1968, page 3) JOHNSON was an ONI reserve officer who recommended Guy Banister to ONI. * JOHNSON was considered for use by CIA as a contract agent in 1954 under Project Kodiak. The clearance request was cancelled, however, and no reason was given. JOHNSON was the Navy District Intelligence Office on Guam at the time and was apparently to have been used to backstop the Agency training being conducted on Saipan. The request indicates that JOHNSON was "partially witting" and possibly already in liaison with the Agency. (...) US Navy base Guam 1962* New Orleans attorney who represented Clay Shaw early in the proceedings. Former ONI Naval District- Intelligence officer on Guam. "According to Edward SUGGS, (Jack MARTIN - not a reliable source) JOHNSON claimed to have a secret U.S. Senate document called the "Homme Report." This report allegedly proves that Robert KENNEDY 'had contract out on' Fidel CASTRO at the time President Kennedy was assassinated." ( Profile of Guy P. Johnson. 104-10170-10468)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 4, 2021 14:37:16 GMT -5
488 James Hosty's transcribed version of Oswald's address book Related:6 The Oswald Letter a.k.a The Hosty Note11 Page 17 from Oswald's address book[11-22-1963] TIME: 4:25 P.M. Harlan Brown, a senior agent in my squad, hurried up to me in the hallway. "Hosty! Come here. You are not to go back in on the interrogation of Oswald, and you are not to provide any information we have about Oswald to the police. Do you understand?" I was dumbfounded, but I said yes, I understood. This was in direct contradiction to what Alan Belmont, Hoover's senior assistant, had ordered. But Brown was dead serious and was clutching my elbow tightly. It became clear to me that Belmont's order had been countermanded, and that probably meant that either the Old Man - Hoover - had taken over control of the investigation, or that the White House had. I shuddered at the thought of Hoover personally supervising my work here in Dallas. I decided nonetheless that I would remain at the police station. Just because I couldn't talk to the police didn't mean I couldn't learn things from them. I headed back to Fritz's office, where I knew the police were keeping Oswald's personal belongings. Nothing there, but in the second inner office, which belonged to Lieutenant Walter Potts, I spotted Oswald's things, which had been removed from his person and from his apartment at the Oak Cliff rooming house. Among the items on Potts's desk was Oswald's black address book. I pulled out my pad of blank police affidavit forms and started transcribing the entries in his book, thinking I might find some interesting leads or even some possible co-conspirators. A little way into my transcribing, I came across a line that made my heart crawl. There, scrawled in Oswald's handwriting, was the entry: Nov. 1 James P. Hasty, RI1-1211, MV8605, 1114 Commerce, Dallas
Jesus, I thought, what in the Sam Hill is my name doing in Oswald's address book? (...) TIME: 5:30 P.M. Having finished my transcribing, I replaced the last of the items belonging to Oswald on Potts's desk and walked back into the outer office. (James Hosty, Assignment: Oswald, p. 26-27)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 7, 2021 14:35:07 GMT -5
489 Record supporting Hosty's version of suspicious Paine call The other version:266 Records of Ruth Paine wiretapI knew that he and Ruth were married but living separately. Obviously Michael was there to be at his wife's side during this turmoil. I later learned that Michael's father, George Lyman Paine, Jr. had telephoned him the night of the assassination. A long distance operator, completely of her own volition, had illegally listened in on the conversation and later reported what she had heard to the FBI. George Paine was a well-known Trotskyite, and during his telephone call to his son, he said: "We all know who did this," and told his son to be careful. We at the FBI interpreted that comment to mean that George was speculating that the Soviet KGB had carried out the assassination, just like Stalin had the KGB assassinate his political rival Leon Trotsky. The FBI also knew that Michael Paine had little contact with his father (...) George Paine had essentially disappeared from Michael's life. (James Hosty, Assignment Oswald, p. 39) George Paine in 1936
Michael’s birth father George Lyman Paine had belonged for many years to a Trotskyist socialist splinter group known as the Johnson-Forest Faction. Although Lyman was on the FBI’s Security Index, it didn’t prevent Michael from getting a security clearance at Bell Helicopter. Ruth Forbes and Lyman Paine were good friends and drinking buddies with Mary Bancroft, a well-connected spy and the paramour of CIA chief Allen Dulles. If Cord Meyer had not known about Ruth and Michael Paine, it wouldn’t have taken Dulles thirty seconds to fill him in. Dulles was handed a long memo from a “source” about the Paines shortly after the assassination. The reference to knowing Michael personally “until he was seven years old” fits perfectly with when Ruth and Lyman separated. Other items in the report indicate that the source could have been Dulles’ former paramour Mary Bancroft. After the assassination, Fred and Nancy Osborn went to the FBI to vouch for the Paines’ good character. Fred’s father, Fred Osborn, Sr., had helped create Radio Free Europe, and later worked with Allen Dulles and Time/Life/Fortune officer C. D. Jackson to form the Crusade for Freedom (CFF), an early CIA project that was modelled after Radio Free Europe. CFF merged with Radio Free Europe in 1962. (Bill Simpich, THE JFK CASE: THE TWELVE WHO BUILT THE OSWALD LEGEND, Part 12: The Endgame)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 11, 2021 15:08:46 GMT -5
490 The Long Photo
Many witnesses came forward to reveal that Oswald knew Ruby, and Shaw and David Ferrie. One, revealed in an August 1977 Dallas Police Department Intelligence Division document, was one “Max Long” a former boxer, who operated a motel-bar in New Orleans. A document reports Long to have had in his possession a photograph of Ruby and Oswald together. (Joan Mellen, WHO WAS LEE HARVEY OSWALD?, 2008)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 18, 2021 9:38:48 GMT -5
491 Identity of Walker Oswald and his sleeping chauffeur
Compare:320 Jacket, cap, shoes & identity of marble works Lee Oswald413 KOPY manager Sonny Stewart's notes414 Oswald's Hill Machinery applicationWHILE WALTER SHERIDAN was spending six months traveling back and forth to New Orleans attempting to destroy Jim Garrison’s case, evidence entirely unknown to him was emerging in two rural Louisiana hamlets north of Baton Rouge. The Garrison investigators were Francis Fruge—a lean, shrewd Cajun state police officer specializing in narcotics, an intense man with piercing black eyes—and Anne Dischler—an undercover investigator for sheriffs’ offices and for the State Sovereignty Commission whose role was to thwart the desegregation of Louisiana’s public institutions. In her thirties, Dischler was a strong, determined woman, strikingly attractive with hazel eyes that took on the color purple. She was the mother of seven children. Through the painstaking work of Dischler and Fruge, Jim Garrison was able to chart how Lee Harvey Oswald had been set up as the “patsy” who would be blamed for the murder of President Kennedy. Three months before the assassination, Garrison would be able to demonstrate, the cover-up had begun, making it apparent that the same people who had planned the crime were behind the cover-up. (...) Weird scenes with coffee and donuts … a southern Twin Peaks?
Dischler and Fruge began to investigate reports that Lee Harvey Oswald had been spotted in towns radiating out of Baton Rouge. Because people were frightened to talk to them, Dischler sometimes identified herself as a reporter for the Lafayette Daily Advertiser. Cal Kelly was positive he had seen Oswald in June 1963 at a restaurant in Walker, Louisiana, having doughnuts and coffee. The waitress had remarked to him that he looked like a stranger. “Probably I am,” Oswald said. “I just came from Cuba. I caught a freight truck out of Florida. I'm on my way to Dallas, as soon as the driver gets some sleep. “ In the parking lot was a truck with a man asleep at the wheel. When Kelly and his twelve-year-old grandson watched the assassination events on television, they were both positive the man had been Oswald. (Joan Mellen, A Farewell to Justice, p. 205 &208)
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Post by Arjan Hut on Feb 19, 2021 13:34:16 GMT -5
492 Oswald’s knife, and bar slip signed Hidell Continued from:491 Identity of Walker Oswald and his sleeping chauffeur
In April, Dischler and Fruge followed up a lead involving a brawl at the Lafayette Holiday Inn lounge. The source had been Robert J. Angers, whose column, “Anecdotes and Antidotes,” appeared in the daily adviser. This was one incident that Angers did not share with his readers. A barmaid named Lou Domingue was so upset she began to cry.Angers was a longtime CIA asset, who wrote for William Gaudet's Latin American Reports. (…) In May 1963, Angers had been honored by Aracha's Cuban Revolutionary Council for an editorial in his paper, the Franklin Banner Tribune, which read, in part, “America can no more afford the risk of a Communist Cuba than she can a Communist Louisiana.” Angers was “tight-lipped” and obviously holding back when Fruge and Dischler asked him what he knew about the ruckus “Oswald” had created at the Holiday Inn. They turned to witnesses at the scene. A belligerent troublemaker, introducing himself as “Lee Harvey Oswald,” had created a disturbance as he criticized the Kennedy family. A barmaid named Lou Domingue was so upset she began to cry. In the ensuing skirmish “over another queer at the lounge,” a knife flashed, then fell to the ground. The lounge manager, Harold Guidry, picked it up. “Lee Harvey Oswald,” had signed his bar slip Hidell, then fled without paying. Fruge and Dischler had no photographs to show the manager. They did discover that there was no “Hidell” registered at the hotel, although Jessie Romero, working behind the desk, remembered the man named “Oswald.” Romero thought he had returned after the assassination, claiming to be a cosmetics salesman, a “cousin” of Lee Harvey Oswald. He was a “good size” man with hazel eyes and blonde hair, although when Romero saw a photograph of the actual Oswald, she said he “greatly resembled the man in the incident.” Another witness, Ernie Broussard, was also certain the man had been there in September, “a few months before the assassination,” only to return a few weeks later. Dischler and Fruge were unable to discover whether charges had been filed against “Hidell” for running out on his bill. (Mellen, A Farewell to Justice, p. 208-209)
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